Liz Calderbank joined the then Greater Manchester Probation Service in 1984 and worked in both an operational and managerial capacity before leaving as Assistant Chief Probation Officer to join HM Inspectorate of Probation in 1998.
As an inspector, she led the inspection Towards Race Equality, examining institutional racism within the probation service. She subsequently was appointed as HM Assistant Chief Inspector and was responsible for setting up the first multi-inspectorate joint inspection programme examining the work of the youth offending teams. She has led the inspectorate in an interim capacity as Chief Inspector since August 2011.
Whilst in the inspectorate, Liz has also undertaken several short placements in Jamaica, advising the Jamaican Government on the implementation of inspection arrangements, work with women who offend and the development of a youth justice strategy.
UNFIT FOR PURPOSE ?
The CCRC is said by many to be unfit for the role they have been given. Many a time it has taken a public media campaign to force the Commission into gear. Clearly, looking at the positions held previously by the Commissioners, there is likely to be a bias, leaning toward siding with the prosecution, the Judges and the Police force - and of course the supposed victims of any crime that a person may have been convicted of in an English Court. Whereas, what is needed is a more impartial Human Rights approach.
Some cases are referred back to the Court of Appeal to justify their existence, but others, more or less identical as to points of law are not, suggestive of Article 14 discrimination, where such violation enables a corrupt organisation to "take a view." Allowing an organisation like the CCRC to "Take a View" is embedding corruption into what is supposed to be a safety net against Article 6 infringements at trial - leading us back toward a dictatorship situation from not having a written Constitution.
The perceived unfavourable treatment of some persons suggests undeclared links to secret societies such as the Masons, where many Judges and it appears most of the CPS are Masons, not to mention the Police forces in England that are rife with members with links to business men and their families, where favours are called in, and frequently result in fit-ups. Try then to find out which police officers are masons. There is supposed to be a voluntary register, but when you ask to see it, you will be told that this is the subject of data protection - where there is supposed to be transparency.
With this in mind, and with the CCRC currently not bound by Articles 6 and 14 of the Human Rights Act 1998, and especially not bound by Article 13 of the European Convention of Human Rights (where Article 13 has been deliberately omitted from the HRA 1998) - and where the Sexual Offences Act 2003 violates Article 6 - in reversing the burden of proof, we wonder what use is a safety net that is actually window dressing for those seeking justice. So much for European Law, but with Brexit looming large the United Kingdom is teetering on the brink of isolation harking after the British Empire where slavery and the exploitation of the resources of other nations was routine.
Under International Law, the CCRC is in violation of 1, 2, 7, 8 and 10 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, where the United Kingdom is a member of the United Nations that like the European Convention, cherry picks what Human Rights it will accord its citizens.
It appears then that the CCRC are part of the problem within the British justice system and more part of a state sanctioned eugenics programme, that involves single judges, the courts, the police and prosecutors - all of which are appointed by and ultimately take their instructions from the Head of State, currently HM Queen Elizabeth II.
It is an interesting situation for study by any sociologist or criminologist as to the level of corruption. In particular we are following one case that has been referred to the CCRC, but so far they have failed to investigate several glaring errors in the trial process, one medical and other evidential.
There is also the matter of the defending solicitor and barrister not calling any one of 17 witnesses in relation to character and and the police failing to secure the crime scene.
In addition, it appears that the police (Sussex) in this case were heavily involved in with Wealden District Council in failing to investigate 12 complaints, 11 unrelated to the victim of this travesty of justice. It appears that the Sussex Police were then seriously biased, where the victim (Nelson Kruschandl) complained to Derek Holness, Sheelagh Douglas, Lesley Barakchizadeh and Charles Lant (WDCs Chief Executives) and Giles York (Chief Constable) of the Sussex Police about perverting the course of justice in failing to investigate (no interviews and no crime number) the allegations of malfeasance in public office.
In respect of the failure to refer this matter to the Appeal Court, the High Court asserted that the CCRC were entitled to take a view - even where they have failed to investigate the virginity issue and the trial Judge summing up incorrectly concerning the work diary of a witness in the case.
What the High Court decision means in lay terms is that the CCRC can do what they like concerning Human Rights abuses. They can free one person who has good connections and they can subdue another where the Crown wants them to, such as a person born in South Africa who has been battling the Sussex Police and Wealden District Council for many years prior to the ultimate put down: a beautifully contrived sexual conviction.
In terms of Discrimination the CCRC have been acting unlawfully. It remains to be seen if they are capable of remedying the situation in time to prevent the matter going to the United Nations for advice.
CCRC OFFICERS 2018
- Sally Berlin - Ian
Brooks - Liz Calderbank -
Caroline Corby -
Rachel Ellis -
Gramann - Justin Hawkins
5 St Philip's Place
Justin Hawkins on:
Tel: 0121 232 0906
PRISON BREAK US DRAMA - YOUTUBE
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